Early Quakers and Islam: Slavery, Apocalyptic and Christian-Muslim Encounters in the Seventeenth Century (Justin Meggitt)
This book review was first published in the Journal of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations (August 2014).
Early
Quakers and Islam: Slavery, Apocalyptic and Christian-Muslim Encounters in the
Seventeenth Century, Justin J. Meggitt, Uppsala:
Swedish Science Press, 2013, 103 pp., £13.40 (paperback), ISBN 978-91-89652-43-9
In this small but fascinating book
Justin Meggitt engages in an exercise of ‘micro-history’ in which a focus on
the small scale and specific can enable bigger questions to be posed. (p.17). Using
the example of Quaker-Muslim encounters in the seventeenth century he seeks to
consider how differences in religious experience and belief can impact on interfaith
relations, specifically Christian representations of Islam and relationships
with Muslims in the early modern period. In particular he asks why the
representations of Islam in the writings of early Quakers were so different
from those dominant in Europe at the time. This book is mainly addressed to a
scholarly audience but is written in an accessible style which means it will be
of value to a more general readership interested in the history of
Christian-Muslim relations. Although the book is relatively short in length at
103 pages, in addition to the main text, it contains a large amount of very
valuable information within the footnotes and references (there are 370
footnotes along with 145 primary references and 289 secondary references).
Following the Introduction, in Chapter
Two Meggitt provides an outline of the early Quaker movement which emerged
during the turmoil of the seventeenth century English Civil War and
Commonwealth periods. He notes that this movement was explicitly opposed to the
Christendom alliance of church and state and was founded on a Pentecostal and
apocalyptic experience that led Quakers to assert that God teaches all people
directly and inwardly through the immediate presence of the Holy Spirit. In Chapter
Three he describes ‘Barbary Slavery’ in which over one million Europeans were
sold in the slave markets of North Africa between the sixteenth and the
eighteenth centuries. This was a reciprocal phenomenon in which Europeans also enslaved
Muslims. Between 5% and 10% of Barbary slaves were from Britain and this included
a number of early Quakers. The practice had a strongly negative impact on
European perceptions of Islam in the early modern period. Chapter Four
considers the overwhelmingly hostile representations of Islam and Muslims that
had been dominant in Europe since the Crusades. Chapter Five, by focusing on a
number of English books written in the early modern period, looks at how these
hostile images were also dominant in English culture. Chapter Six highlights other
examples of English writings of the period which represent exceptions to the
dominant view. These were often produced by writers who had significant direct
experience of Islam and of Muslim countries. Meggitt notes that “perhaps
unsurprisingly, literature produced by those early modern English who lived or
regularly travelling in Muslim-majority lands…provide us with a rich vein of
anomalous pictures of Islam…” (p.36). Chapter Seven recovers the largely
forgotten story of those early Quakers who were enslaved in Barbary and the
letters written to them by the early Quaker leader, George Fox. Meggitt notes
that although life for the Barbary Quaker slaves was characterised by extreme
deprivation and regular violence, there is little evidence of attempts to
coerce the Quakers in matters of religion. In Chapter Eight, Meggitt shows how this
situation highlighted important paradoxes for early Quakers. In particular, at
this time the enslaved Quakers were freer to practice their religion in Barbary
than Quakers were in England. Following the collapse of the English
Commonwealth and the Restoration of the Monarchy in 1660, Quaker worship along
with that of other nonconformists had been outlawed and a large number of
Quakers were imprisoned for openly practicing their faith. In a letter to
Quaker slaves in 1683, George Fox wrote “I think you have more liberty to meet
(for worship) there than we do here; for they keep us out of our meetings, and
cast us into prison and spoil our goods” (p.54). In Chapter Nine, the author
argues that early Quaker belief had a significant impact on their
representation of Islam and Muslims. Since they believed that God’s Spirit had
been poured out on all people, professing Christians could not assume any
preferential position in relation to non-Christians (including Jews and
Muslims). What mattered was not religious affiliation nor outward doctrine but
the experience of the transformative power of the Holy Spirit which was directly
available to all people. Following her audience before the Turkish Sultan
Mehmet IV in 1658, early Quaker minister Mary Fisher wrote “they are nearer the
truth than many nation, there is a love begot in me towards them that is
endless” (p.60). In his final chapter Meggitt argues that, although ideas about
the apocalypse are usually associated with violent conflict and destruction, the
early Quaker apocalyptic emphasised restoration and harmony. This vision of old
divisions reconciled is reflected in the words of the Apostle Paul in his
epistle to the Galatians “there is no longer Jew or Greek, there is
no longer slave or free, there is no longer male and female; for all of you are one in Christ Jesus” (Galatians 3:28). He
concludes that the universalist apocalyptic of the early Quaker movement
enabled them to overcome to some extent the dominant European perspectives that
helped create the Orientalist way of thinking about Muslims and Islam.
This work makes a modest but
valuable contribution to the scholarship of Christian-Muslim relationships in
the early modern period and of European representations of the Ottoman Empire
and of the Muslim world generally. It also demonstrates why Quakerism, although
firmly rooted within the Christian tradition, holds a strongly universalist
understanding of the availability of the Holy Spirit which undercuts any
exclusivist definition of God’s people based on race or religious identity.
Meggitt’s book has the potential to prompt further research into the potential impact
of heterodox visions of Christianity and Islam on interfaith relations. In his
magisterial work on the sixteenth century European Radical Reformation George
Hunston Williams notes a similar connection between universalist Christian
spiritualism and a relatively enlightened and inclusive attitude towards people
of other faiths. He notes that Christian radicals such as “Muntzer,
Franck, Castellio, Coornhert and Denck regarded Muslims along with Jews and
righteous pagans as already a part of the Ecclesia
spiritualis insofar as they conformed to the inner Word”[1]. This
subject demands greater attention. In his particular contribution to such a
project Justin Meggitt provides us with an engrossing and fruitful exercise in
‘micro-history’ in which he succeeds in utilising a deliberately specific and
small scale focus to raise much bigger and more general questions. Those interested
in the study of Christian-Muslim relations owe him a small but important debt
of gratitude.
Stuart Masters
Woodbrooke Quaker Study Centre, UK
[1]
Williams, George Hunston (2000) The Radical Reformation,
Kirksville (Truman State University), p.1226.
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